Arctic Paradiplomacy: The Scottish Case

Scotland is quietly carving a place for itself on the Arctic stage. From undersea power cables to salmon conservation and international research networks, the nation is building bridges with Nordic and Arctic partners, blending economic ambition with environmental stewardship and cultural diplomacy. In doing so, Scotland is crafting a “near-Arctic” identity that sets it apart from the UK, revealing how a sub-state nation can wield influence far beyond its borders.

Since 2007, the Scottish National Party (SNP) has governed Scotland, and its primary goal is Scottish independence. In 2014, a referendum regarding the secession of Scotland from the UK took place, and the majority voted in favour of the Union (BBC, 2014). Nevertheless, the majority of Scots (62%) voted to remain part of the EU during the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, which led to Brexit (BBC, 2016). Consequently, a schism was created between Westminster (UK) and Holyrood (Scotland). The SG felt that the actions of the British Government threatened Scotland’s interests. As a result, for fear of isolation, Scotland searched for new allies in Europe and the Arctic. 

Three main types of paradiplomatic relations were identified in which sub-regional actors participate. Initially, economic cooperation aimed to attract foreign investment and develop export markets. Secondly, cooperation in non-economic areas focused on environmental protection, cultural exchange, and the formation of a common Arctic identity. Last but not least, interaction in the legal field is required to participate in international agreements and organisations. Based on the above types of paradiplomacy, this article detects and analyses Scotland’s Arctic paradiplomacy, because Scotland is the second nation that positions itself as a ‘near-Arctic nation’ (External Affairs Directorate, 2019). The first was China, in 2018, with the White Paper: China’s Arctic Policy.

In 2017, the Scottish Government published its first policy on the Nordic and Baltic countries, stating that international activity remains a key priority and that the Nordic region is a priority for these activities (External Affairs Directorate, 2017). Two years later, in 2019, the first Arctic policy was published, presenting Scotland as a sub-Arctic nation that shares many interests and challenges with the region (External Affairs Directorate, 2019). 

The goal of the SG is to create a new Nordic identity for Scotland to differentiate it from the British. Following the paradiplomatic activities outlined below, Scotland seeks to secure international recognition without directly alienating London. Eventually, Scotland is actively seeking to reposition itself geopolitically.

Scotland’s Arctic Paradiplomacy

Economic Relations

First and foremost, economic relations are probably of the highest significance to Scotland, because they promote Scottish economic interests in the northern regions by decreasing dependence on UK markets and gaining access to new ones. It is a commonly held belief that, without economic independence, there cannot be political independence, and this is what Scotland seeks to achieve. The Scottish Government’s Directorates for External Affairs and Trade & Investment have established an efficient system of paradiplomacy. This system relies on political advocacy networks such as Scotland Europa, agencies dedicated to promoting trade and investment, such as Scottish Development International, business associations representing the diaspora, such as GlobalScot, as well as support from universities, scientific communities, and various civil society organisations (Rioux, 2015).

Additionally, Scottish Development International, which is the trade and investment promotion agency of the SG, has established a global network of more than 30 paradiplomatic offices. These offices maintain a notable presence in Nordic and Arctic nations, including Canada, the United States, Denmark, and Norway, as well as in countries that are observers to the Arctic Council (AC). Areas such as trade and investment, forestry and fisheries management, the utilisation of European funds, the expansion of renewable energy capacity, environmental conservation, responsible tourism promotion, and scientific research, which are crucial to the Arctic, fall within the scope of the Act of Devolution. As a result, Scotland has become either a full or an observing member of a broad range of international initiatives, networks, and organisations related to the Arctic (Rioux Ouimet, 2022, p. 117).

Another collaborative initiative is pursued through the Scottish economic development agency, Highlands & Islands Enterprise, which participates in the High North Atlantic Business Alliance. This alliance comprises Atlantic Canada, Maine, Greenland, Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and Norway, and its primary aim is to coordinate the development of Arctic and near-Arctic shipping routes and deep-water ports, with a focus on enhancing trade and investment links.

The table above illustrates the importance of the Arctic and Europe to Scotland’s economy. Nine of the ten biggest importers of Scottish goods are either Arctic states or observer states in the AC. However, exports are only part of the equation. Foreign direct investment in Scotland from Arctic and European nations has also grown substantially over the last few decades across various sectors, including energy, high technology, and agri-food. Remarkably, four AC members (the United States, Norway, Canada, and Denmark) and four AC observers (Germany, Switzerland, France, and Japan) were among the top ten sources of foreign investment into Scotland in 2018. 

Consequently, in 2018, nearly a thousand enterprises from Arctic nations operated in Scotland, employing around 135,000 people, a significant number for a workforce of 1.8 million (Rioux Ouimet, 2022). In 2021, the Arctic Connections Fund was established to facilitate collaboration between Scottish organisations and communities and their counterparts in the Arctic. The initial funding cycle from 2021 to 2022 distributed a total of £105,000, while the subsequent funding cycle from 2022 to 2023 allocated £90,000 (External Affairs Directorate, 2023).

Environmental, Cultural and Scientific Relations

Regarding environmental, cultural, and scientific paradiplomacy, Scotland has undertaken activities that are interconnected and simultaneously offer economic benefits. One of the most noteworthy projects is the “NorthConnect,” a 650 km undersea cable linking Scotland and Norway via the North Sea, providing Norway’s hydroelectricity access to UK markets and Scotland’s wind power access to Norway, Denmark, Germany, and the Netherlands. An equally significant example is the North Atlantic Salmon Conservation Organisation (NASCO), headquartered in Scotland. NASCO comprises Canada, the United States, Denmark, Norway, the European Union, and Russia, and it is dedicated to the regulation and preservation of salmon stocks in regions near the Arctic and sub-Arctic fisheries zones. 

While Edinburgh is not a direct member of NASCO, four Scottish NGOs hold accredited observer status within the organisation (Rioux Ouimet, 2022). Through the aforementioned actions, Edinburgh develops an eco-friendly, sustainable economy that encourages partnerships to reduce carbon emissions. Another reason the SG invests in marine biodiversity and local renewable energy production is that it seeks to be characterised as a ‘good global citizen’ and to connect culturally with the Nordic countries.

As far as cultural relations are concerned, Scotland facilitates the exchange of policies on minority languages between Scotland and neighbouring Arctic regions and promotes greater cooperation between VisitScotland and the Nordic Council. Moreover, the SG seeks to follow the ‘Nordic model’ by implementing policies that mirror the Nordic welfare model and other Nordic policies (Jafry et al., 2019). An example of this is Scotland’s “Baby Box” programme, which was initially launched in 2017. It provides a fully funded box of essential items for the early weeks of care to the families of every newborn. This initiative drew direct inspiration from Finland’s “maternity package.” According to some, Scotland is the Social Democratic Britain. This alignment aims to reduce disparities and bolster the credibility of claims about shared similarities between Scottish and Nordic/Arctic cultures. Ultimately, the social model is a key aspect of Nordic identity. Additionally, Edinburgh seeks further collaboration with the Nordic Council to enhance its legitimacy. Although Scotland is not a member of the Nordic Council, it conducts dialogue with the council, as evidenced by their cooperation during COP26.

Drawing from the historical ties regarding the common Viking past and the attempts to reinforce these commonalities, it can be argued that Scotland, through its interactions with the Nordic countries, is striving to establish a unique Scottish identity that distinguishes itself from the British one and aligns more closely with a ‘Nordic’ identity.

Beyond cultural and environmental paradiplomacy, Holyrood excels in scientific paradiplomacy. The SG has a distinct goal of enhancing Scottish universities’ engagement with UArctic, a network of universities, colleges, research institutes, and other organisations concerned with education and research in and about the Arctic. This involves efforts to share the University of the Highlands and Islands’ approach to providing access to higher education in rural areas with other Arctic nations.

In 2023, Angus Robertson, Cabinet Secretary for Constitution, External Affairs and Culture, in a debate at the Scottish Parliament on 2 March 2023, exclaimed: “Today, nine Scottish universities are members of UArctic, and I am confident more will join. We have more members than Sweden and more than any other non-Arctic nation, with the exception of China. Something which we should be proud of” (Robertson, 2023).

Concurrently, the Scottish Arctic Network was established to connect academics and researchers specialising in the Arctic across Scotland. Additionally, there is a strong emphasis on fostering greater collaboration among institutions, particularly in marine science.

External and Legal Relations

Riaghatlas na h-Alba has ensured Scotland’s participation in various Arctic multilateral fora, programs, and networks. Some of them were mentioned above, but now the most ‘legitimising’ and significant will be showcased.

To initiate, the SG is part of the Arctic Circle Assembly, which was founded on the principle of being a democratic platform that invites all stakeholders who take interest in Arctic affairs, and is driven by Iceland’s ex-president, Ólafur Ragnar Grimsson, who exclaimed in 2018: “Scotland can therefore become an ‘Arctic State’ irrespective of its constitutional position or Britain’s relationship with the EU” (Rioux Ouimet, 2022). This forum effectively established Scotland as a credible participant in Arctic affairs, as the Scottish First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, has delivered speeches at the Assembly since 2016, and Edinburgh has also hosted the Arctic forum in 2017.

Another noteworthy network with Scotland’s involvement is Arctic Frontiers, which primarily focuses on knowledge-based decision-making and operates on the premise that Arctic affairs should be handled by those with regional expertise (Steinveg, 2023, p. 89). Furthermore, Scotland is part of the EU’s Northern Periphery and Arctic Programme (NPA), which is dedicated to advancing community development, entrepreneurship, renewable energy production, and cultural exchange. According to the SG, by 2019, “over half of the projects funded through the NPA program had a Scottish component.”

Scotland plays an undetected and multifaceted role in the North Periphery as a sub-state nation. Paradiplomacy may not have received as much attention, either in academia or in the general public, as other social and political issues in devolved Scotland. However, its relevance to the country’s future is likely to grow in the coming years. Irrespective of whether Scotland becomes independent or not, its future, and especially its economic one, belongs to Northern Europe and possibly to the Arctic, according to the aforementioned paradiplomatic relations.

Edinburgh has developed, firstly, an international agency by showing competence in relations; secondly, a specific repertoire of activities and topics, resulting in an image of the global role Scotland can assume; but also how Scotland, through focusing engagement on issues over which it has domestic competence, circumvents the formal restrictions on its international mandate in national legislation by using the opportunities available through UK recognition in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that Scotland would use to engage internationally on devolved matters. Scottish politics is entering an exciting time when the prospect of a new independence referendum is not entirely unthinkable.

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