Behind Closed Doors: The Education of Girls and  Women Under Contemporary Taliban Rule

How the Taliban’s education policy reinforces structural gender apartheid and the failing international response

The Taliban emerged as a dominant faction during the Second Afghan Civil War. Comprised primarily of Pashtun warlords, the movement overthrew the Mujahideen government in 1996, ruling Afghanistan until the US-led invasion in 2001. During this period, the Taliban rapidly institutionalised gender apartheid through a heavily regressive legal framework. Women were prohibited from seeking  employment outside the home, were required to appear in public wearing full hijab, and were systematically denied access to education (Hozoori, 2025).

Following the Taliban’s removal from power, women’s rights improved gradually over the next two decades. By 2021, 80% of girls were enrolled in primary education, 50% in secondary education, and women accounted for 30% of higher education enrolment (UNESCO, 2025). However, these gains were swiftly reversed following the Taliban’s return to power after US withdrawal in 2021. Afghanistan  is now the only country in the world to formally prohibit women and girls from attending school beyond primary education (UNESCO, 2025).

Despite widespread condemnation, the international community has made little progress in encouraging policy reform or improving the lives of Afghan women and girls. The current situation in Afghanistan therefore calls for examination, alongside an assessment of the effectiveness of the international response.

Women’s Education Under the Taliban: 2021-Present

Upon reclaiming power, the Taliban immediately reinstated its war against female education. In September 2021, the Ministry of Education issued the first of many restrictions on girls’ and women’s access to schooling. With the easing of COVID-19 restrictions came orders for male students and teachers to return to formal education; there was no mention of the fate of girls and women  (UNESCO, 2025; Amnesty International, 2022).

Pressure from various groups and communities mounted, pushing the Taliban to reconsider their stance. This paved the way for government schools in 10 of 34 provinces and several urban private schools to resume secondary education for girls (Amnesty International, 2022). During this period, the Taliban were pushed to revise their firmer position on restricting female education, announcing that both boys and girls would return to school by 23rd March 2022 (Amnesty International, 2022). In preparation, many girls relocated to urban areas, drawn by  greater access to formal schooling. Among them was 17-year-old Fawzia, from Nuristan, who was planning to continue her education in Kabul (Amnesty International, 2022). Yet on 23rd March, millions of girls, including Fawzia, were denied entry to secondary schools nationwide (UNESCO, 2025; Amnesty International, 2022).

Since 2022, numerous national and local measures have further restricted girls’ and women’s access to education. This includes, but is not limited to, the prohibition of men from teaching women and girls, an indefinite suspension on women attending university, local prohibitions on educational or social broadcasts, and bans on universities from granting certificates or transcripts to female graduates (UNESCO, 2025). These formal restrictions are compounded by broader social and cultural limitations, such as the January 2023 ban on women visiting historical sites, and measures by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (MPVPV) to severely restrict freedom of movement (Amnesty International, 2022; UNESCO, 2025).

Alternative Routes for Women’s Education

Despite restrictions, some routes for women to access education endure. Taliban-sanctioned options include madrasas – religious schools centred on Quranic teachings. Particularly during the Cold War, madrasas played a key role in preserving Islamic-Afghan culture (Elkahlout et al., 2026). Under the Taliban, they are among the few legal educational options available to girls. However, access remains limited, with many institutions either full or prohibitively expensive (UNESCO, 2025). Moreover, madrasas are commonly reported to promote teachings that reinforce gender inequality and segregation, creating “a  hostile learning environment for girls” (Elkahlout et al., 2026).

Alternatively, pathways grounded in secular education are forced to circumvent Taliban restrictions. Online institutions such as Online Women’s University and Victory Afghanistan seek to “create a pathway where education becomes a beacon of hope, empowerment, and transformation” (Victory Afghanistan, 2026). While online learning provides an alternative source of education to that which is offered by the Taliban, internet shutdowns (Taban, 2025; Kozul-Wright, 2025) and the risk of Taliban discovery continue to limit participation. Some women have also secured visas to study abroad in  countries including the UK and US. However, USAID cuts (Limaye, 2025) and the withdrawal of UK visa support for Afghans, Sudanese, and Cameroonians (McKiernan, 2026; DPG Law, 2026) have created further barriers for Afghan women seeking alternative educational opportunities.

Impacts and Consequences for Afghan Women

The state of female educational rights in Afghanistan have severe consequences across a broad range of social, economic, and cultural rights. By prohibiting women from attending university, meanwhile restricting freedom of movement, the Taliban has sought to curtail both the personal and professional development of Afghan women. Consequently, women are increasingly unable to pursue careers in sectors such as healthcare, with Afghanistan already facing a severe shortage of female doctors and nurses (UNESCO, 2025; Amnesty International, 2022). These challenges have been exacerbated by policies implemented by the Ministry of Public Health and the MPVPV, which have prohibited male doctors from treating female patients and prevented women from accessing healthcare facilities without a mahram (UNESCO, 2025). Restrictions on education have therefore created profound impacts extending far beyond classrooms or lecture halls, producing widespread violations of women’s  fundamental rights and reinforcing a system that can only be characterised as systemic gender apartheid.

The consequences of these regressive policies are evident across Afghan society. Taliban decrees on education, work and movement has resulted in the loss of employment for almost half of Afghanistan’s employed women, alongside a 25 percent increase in child marriages and a 50 percent rise in maternal mortality (UNESCO, 2025, p. 36; Najam, Patrinos and Bentaouet Kattan, 2024).  Furthermore, estimates suggest that restrictions on women’s education and employment reduce Afghanistan’s Gross National Income by approximately $1.37 billion annually (Najam, Patrinos and Bentaouet Kattan, 2024), while UNESCO projects economic losses of around $9.6 billion by 2066 as a result of restrictions on higher education (UNESCO, 2025). Evidently, the Taliban policy for education has proven disastrous not only for gender parity but also for Afghanistan’s long-term economic development.

International Policy

The International response to the worsening condition in Afghanistan has been mixed. The UK Home Secretary’s decision to implement an “emergency brake” on student visas for Afghan nationals, alongside those from Sudan and Cameroon (McKiernan, 2026; DPG Law, 2026), further entrenches the barriers faced by Afghan women. By restricting access to educational opportunities abroad, the policy denies many women a vital pathway to life beyond gender apartheid. Similarly, USAID freezes under the Trump administration have made it increasingly difficult for Afghan women seeking higher education abroad. Eighty-two prospective students who had travelled to Oman in 2025, for example, were forced to return to Afghanistan after their scholarships were revoked by Washington (Limaye, 2025).

On the other hand, the United Nations has openly acknowledged the risks of banning and restricting education. As a result of the United Nations Assistance Mission to Afghanistan’s (UNAMA) recent visit to Kabul province, the UN has reaffirmed that current Taliban policy will lead to further shortages of female teachers and health workers, only exacerbating existing risks of maternal and infant mortality (Afghanistan International, 2026). However, whilst rhetoric acknowledging the risks of banning and restricting education is vital, there must be increased substantive action in order to enact change.

Current international policy has sought to force change through isolation. All UN member states bar Russia withhold formal recognition of the Taliban as the de jure government while most maintain diplomatic missions to Afghanistan outside Kabul (The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2024; AP News, 2025). And yet, in the face of the introduction of a new penal code (Malala Fund,  2026), international policy has failed to induce education reform in Afghanistan.

A Way Forward

Looking forward, the international community must alleviate the financial, social and emotional burdens carried by those who are denied education in Afghanistan. Creating, financing and maintaining alternative routes for Afghan women to access education must be a priority. This includes providing scholarships and visas for Afghan nationals to study abroad and the expansion of online university courses.

International isolation of the Taliban has failed to reduce the effects of gender apartheid. Instead, relief of sanctions, embargoes, frozen assets and travel bans could be utilised, provided they are linked to substantive changes to human rights. Additionally, whilst formal recognition of the Taliban could serve to legitimise the regime, dialogue with a selection of Afghan academics, non-Taliban leaders from a mixture of backgrounds, and progressive Taliban authorities could also be harnessed to encourage inclusivity and much needed steps towards establishing gender equality.

References

Afghanistan International (2026). UN Envoy Urges Taliban To End Ban On Girls’ Education.  [online] Afintl.com. Available at: https://www.afintl.com/en/202607312764 [Accessed 31 July  2026].

Al Jazeera (2022). Gulf envoys stress Women’s rights in Meeting with Taliban FM. [online] Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/2/14/gulf-diplomats-urge-taliban to-respect-womens-rights [Accessed 18 July 2026].

Amnesty International (2022). Afghanistan: Death in slow motion: Women and girls under  Taliban rule. [online] Amnesty International. Amnesty International. Available at: https:// www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa11/5685/2022/en/ [Accessed 20 July 2026].

AP News (2025). Russia Becomes the First Country to Formally Recognize Taliban’s Latest  Rule in Afghanistan. [online] AP News. Available at: https://apnews.com/article/russia afghanistan-formally-recognize-taliban-3932240270463715f0338c0812cbe5a8 [Accessed 31 July 2026].

Barr, H. (2025). Gender apartheid as an international crime. [online] Human rights watch. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/09/02/gender-apartheid-as-an-international-crime [Accessed 18 July 2026].

DPG Law (2026). Sadat & others: Challenge to the Government’s Visa Brake in the High Court  – DPG Law. [online] DPG Law. Available at: https://www.dpglaw.co.uk/news/sadat-others-challenge-to-the-governments-visa-brake-in-the-high-court/ [Accessed 29 July 2026].

Elkahlout, G., Milton, S., Strand, A. and Idris, I. (2026). Madrassas and girls’ education:  Exploring localised educational solutions in post-2021 Afghanistan. Compare: A journal of  Comparative and international education, pp.1–21. doi:10.1080/03057925.2026.2643263.

Hanson-DeFusco, J., Sobolov, A., Sami Stanekzai, McMaster, A., Hamid Popalzai, Shah, H.,  Shi, M. and Kumar, N. (2025). The association of diminished quality of life of Afghan adults’  psychosocial wellbeing, in the era of the Taliban 2.0 government. PLOS mental health., 2(1),  pp.e0000118-e0000118. doi:10.1371/journal.pmen.0000118.

Hozoori, S. (2025). Taliban 1.0 And 2.0 In Afghanistan: Same policies, persistent vision | jstor.  [online] Jstor. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/48838353?seq=1 [Accessed 18 July  2025].

Kozul-Wright, A., (2025). Afghanistan imposes internet blackout: What has the effect been so far? [online] Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/news/2025/9/30/afghanistan-imposes-internet-blackout-what-has-the-effect-been-so-far [Accessed 12 August].

Levitt, T., Kelly, A. and Joya, Z. (2024). Shutting afghan women out of Key UN conference to  Appease Taliban ‘a betrayal.’ The guardian. [online] 21 June. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/article/2024/jun/21/shutting-afghan-women-out-of-key-un-conference-to-appease-taliban-a-betrayal [Accessed 18 July 2026].

Limaye, Y. (2025).Afghan women who fled Taliban to study abroad face imminent return after USAID cuts. BBC News. [online] 8 Mar. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cg4k25wlw21o [Accessed 29 July 2026].

Malala Fund. (2026). Gender apartheid, written into law. [online] Malala.org. Malala Fund.  Available at: https://malala.org/news-and-voices/gender-apartheid-written-into-law [Accessed  31 July 2026].

McKiernan, J. (2026). Mahmood to Stop Study Visas from Four Countries Due to “Abuse.” BBC News. [online] 3 Mar. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cx2jy74895eo [Accessed 31 July 2026].

Najam, R., Patrinos, H.A. and Bentaouet Kattan, R. (2024). The Mis-Education of women in  Afghanistan: From Wage premiums to Economic losses. [online] Washington, DC: World Bank.  doi:10.1596/1813-9450-10888.

Taban, N. (2025). Internet shutdown in Afghanistan threatens women’s education and media  freedom. [online] Thediplomat.com. The Diplomat. Available at: https://thediplomat.com/ 2025/09/internet-shutdown-in-afghanistan-threatens-womens-education-and-media-freedom/  [Accessed 29 July 2026].

The International Institute for Strategic Studies (2026). Towards the Reintegration of  Afghanistan into the International Community. [online] IISS. Available at: https://www.iiss.org/publications/armed-conflict-survey/2024/towards-the-reintegration-of-afghanistan-into-the-international-community/ [Accessed 31 July 2026].

UNESCO (2025). Banned from education: A review of the right to Education in Afghanistan.  [online] Unesco.org. Available at: https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/banned-education-review right-education-afghanistan [Accessed 20 July 2026].

Victory Afghanistan (2026). Victory Afghanistan. [online] Victory Afghanistan. Available at:  https://www.victoryafghanistan.org/ [Accessed 29 July 2026].