Somalia’s Silent Struggle
How Internal Betrayal, Youth Exploitation, and Ethnocentrism Threaten the Nation’s Future
Introduction
Somalia stands at a critical crossroads. Decades of internal conflict, corruption, and ethnocentric politics have left the country fragmented, impoverished, and bereft of national unity. While foreign actors have attempted to intervene, it is clear that sustainable recovery must come from within. Therefore, this article explores how ethnocentrism, youth exploitation, systemic corruption, and foreign manipulation are undermining Somalia’s future, and why the Somali people themselves must drive the solution.
Ethnocentrism and the Capture of Power
At the core of Somalia’s dysfunction lies ethnocentrism: the elevation of clan loyalty over national identity. Somalia’s governance structure, especially its parliamentary representation, is deeply rooted in the 4.5 clan power-sharing formula. Furthermore, elders wield disproportionate influence in this system, selecting members of parliament (MPs), presidents, and regional leaders not based on merit but on clan allegiance and favoritism (International Crisis Group, 2021). These elders, many of whom benefit from corruption, continue to block reforms and democratic representation.
This entrenched ethnocentrism prevents national cohesion. Thus, instead of fostering unity, Somalia’s political system pits clans against each other in a zero-sum game of patronage, appointments, and resources. Moreover, youth are especially vulnerable in this landscape, mobilized by political elites and clan elders to fight each other, not for ideology or principle, but for the benefit of the elite class.
Youth Exploitation and Brain Drain
Each year, thousands of Somali youths flee the country. Those who remain often find themselves co-opted into clan-based political agendas or radicalized by extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, which promises them belonging, identity, and a mission (Freedom House, 2024). Meanwhile, the government itself exploits youth through poorly planned military campaigns against Al-Shabaab, sending ill-equipped, khat-intoxicated soldiers into battle without adequate training, leadership, or strategy. Consequently, many young people return home dead, traumatized, or permanently injured.
However, the root causes of this exodus are structural. Despite the presence of numerous universities, Somalia’s job market and political framework offer no opportunities for upward mobility. Furthermore, young men and women are disillusioned by a system that excludes them. Educated graduates are unable to marry, secure employment, or participate meaningfully in governance. As a result, they risk perilous journeys across the Mediterranean, with many ending up dead, imprisoned, or mentally broken in Europe, North Africa, or at the hands of smugglers (United Nations, 2024).
Corruption and the Normalization of Monopoly
Corruption in Somalia is systemic. Business elites, often connected to powerful clans and government officials, monopolize the import and export of essential goods such as sugar, rice, flour, and medicine. Even basic products are often expired due to a lack of regulation at ports. Moreover, these monopolies keep prices high and exclude the general population from the most basic necessities (Transparency International, 2023). In Mogadishu, it is common to see elderly women and children begging for a dollar to buy food or medicine. Meanwhile, many sleep on the streets of Maka Al-Mukarama.
The barriers to entry in Somalia’s business sector are massive. Only a few actors are licensed to import goods, and those licenses are distributed based on nepotism and clan affiliations. Consequently, tariffs are levied on essential items, making it nearly impossible for ordinary citizens to access wheat, diapers, milk, or medication. Furthermore, ports are intentionally inefficient to protect the interests of monopolists. Instead of streamlining import procedures or removing fees on basic commodities, government officials receive kickbacks while the population suffers (Hiiraan Online, 2024).
False Religious Narratives and Political Opportunism
Groups like Al-Shabaab claim to fight for Islam, but their leadership often reveals otherwise. Conversely, several former Al-Shabaab figures now hold government positions, including in the Ministry of Religion, highlighting that their true goal is power, not religious purity. Therefore, government leaders manipulate religion as a political tool, leveraging faith for legitimacy while undermining its core values (SJS and RFK, 2025).
Similarly, khat—a drug widely consumed by both civilians and military personnel—has become a tool of oppression. It causes dental decay, mouth cancer, and mental illness, yet remains legal and widely used. Furthermore, government officials profit from the khat trade or remain silent, despite its devastating effects on time, money, and productivity.
Failure of the Security Sector and Clan Militarization
Somalia’s security sector is deeply politicized. Military generals are often appointed based on clan affiliation or bribes rather than competence. Some officers purchase their positions through parliamentary representatives. Thus creating a force that is disjointed, unprofessional, and incapable of securing peace. Moreover, soldiers chew khat throughout the day, and when sent to fight Al-Shabaab, lack strategy, morale, and protection (Shabelle Media Network, 2025).
Even more concerning, the Somali military is often used as a political weapon. Factional conflicts are enforced with arms rather than dialogue, and soldiers are frequently deployed to suppress political rivals instead of securing the country from real threats.
Foreign Powers Cannot Save Somalia
Western and Arab countries, as well as Türkiye, continue to exercise influence over Somali politics. They offer frameworks for stabilization but fail to address the root cause of Somalia’s dysfunction: internal betrayal and systemic ethnocentrism. Therefore, while foreign aid and military assistance may offer temporary relief, they will never resolve Somalia’s deep-seated issues unless Somalis themselves push for reform.
The irony is that even when reforms are proposed, such as electoral changes to establish universal suffrage, they are quickly stymied by internal political elites. Thus, Somalia’s youth, women, intellectuals, and civil society must rise above these divisions to challenge the status quo.
Conclusion
Somalia’s salvation cannot come from the outside. The roots of its suffering—corrupt elders, ethnocentric politics, systemic youth marginalization, and monopoly-driven corruption—must be addressed internally. The current leaders, many of whom are former warlords or their allies, thrive on division, not unity. However, the youth, who bear the brunt of this broken system, have the power to reshape it.
Therefore, Somalia must end the stranglehold of ethnocentrism and empower its next generation. This means dismantling monopolies, establishing merit-based governance, ensuring equal representation for women and minorities, and challenging the political and religious hypocrisy that sustains the status quo.
Until Somalia chooses unity over clan, justice over bribery, and youth empowerment over exploitation, its struggle will remain tragically silent.
Bibliography
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