How Russia’s Vaccine Diplomacy is Dividing Europe

Russia has a long history of sowing division within the European Union (EU). Whether through disinformation campaigns or bilateral economic deals, Moscow has often succeeded in pitting EU member states against each other. It is no different with regards to COVID-19 jabs.

As the EU struggles with its vaccine rollout, Russia has stepped in with its own vaccine diplomacy. By promoting its own jab—Sputnik V— the Kremlin has created a split between EU member states embracing Russia’s vaccines and those that remain wary of Moscow’s intentions.

Divide and Rule

Since Vladimir Putin became Russian Prime Minister in 1999, Russia has sought to foster divisions within the EU. A divided Europe grants the Kremlin more freedom to do as it chooses in its neighborhood without severe consequences from the West. It is no surprise, then, that Putin’s government has consistently employed multiple tools of influence to undermine European unity. More often than not, this tactic has worked. Whether because of dependence on Russian energy imports or geographical proximity, European governments frequently find themselves split over how to approach relations with Moscow and respond to Russian actions.

The Kremlin is now pursuing a similar strategy with regards to vaccines. As the coronavirus surges again, governments across Europe have struggled to secure vaccine supplies. Few, if any, of the EU’s member states are likely to meet Brussels’ target of vaccinating 70 percent of their adult populations by the end of the summer.

Enter Putin’s Russia. Eager to sow disunity in the EU, Moscow has begun promoting Sputnik V—a vaccine developed by the state-owned Gamaleya Research Institute—to European governments.

One way the Kremlin has done this is through an extensive, months-long disinformation campaign. As countries compete for access to vaccines, Russia’s online tactics have become increasingly sophisticated. Using state-run media outlets and social media accounts, Moscow has sought to discredit Western vaccines while promoting Russia’s rival jab in an effort to persuade other countries to use Sputnik.

Sputnik’s social media account, for example, has advanced false claims about rival BioNTech/Pfizer and Johnson & Johnson vaccines. At the same time, it has appealed to the EU, claiming the bloc is a partner and that the Kremlin wants to work with Brussels in fighting the pandemic.

A Divided Europe

Moscow’s strategy appears to have succeeded. Frustrated with the EU’s slow vaccine rollout, a growing number of European governments have started turning to Russia for help.

Sputnik has not yet been approved by the European Medicines Agency (EMA)—where it is currently under rolling review—and the European Commission says it is likely the EU will not actually need the jab.

Yet that has not stopped a number of governments from breaking with the EU’s common policy to cut their own deals with Moscow. This has been particularly true in Central and Eastern Europe. Germany, generally a proponent of European unity, recently said it wants to buy up to 30 million doses of Sputnik. The German decision comes after both Hungary and Slovakia ordered their own doses. Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, meanwhile, has concluded talks to buy 1 million doses.

Some EU states, though, have steered clear. Many governments, particularly those who view Moscow as an immediate geopolitical threat, see Sputnik as simply a Russian political tool of influence. For example, Lithuanian Prime Minister Ingrida Šimonytė has described Sputnik as a “hybrid weapon to divide and rule.”

But EU divisions over Sputnik are also appearing within, not just between, governments. Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš recently fired his own health and foreign ministers due to their opposition to Sputnik. Meanwhile, the Slovakian government collapsed in March over then-Prime Minister Igor Matovič’s decision to unilaterally buy 2 million doses of Sputnik.

Clashes over the Russian jab are also not limited to Central and Eastern Europe. Politicians across the European continent, whether at the local, regional or national level, have fallen under severe pressure to tackle a so-far-sluggish vaccination effort. The Spanish region of Madrid, led by Isabel Díaz Ayuso, attempted to obtain Sputnik doses in a challenge to the national government. In Germany, State Premier Markus Söder has said Bavaria will sign a provisional agreement to purchase 2.5 million doses.

Meanwhile, in France, Renaud Muselier, president of Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, tweeted his region will receive half a million doses of Sputnik. In Italy, the president of the Campania region, Vincenzo De Luca, recently signed a deal for a reported half a million doses.

To be sure, it is unclear whether Sputnik will actually make a difference in the EU’s vaccination campaign. The Russian jab cannot be administered in EU countries without EMA approval. Considering that two other vaccines, Novavax and CureVac, started their rolling review before Sputnik, and that the EMA still has to do a check of the vaccine’s Russian facilities, it is possible the shot will only be approved once most Europeans have already been vaccinated.

Nevertheless, these cases illustrate the ease with which Russia has exploited the EU’s vaccine struggles.

Conclusion

So, while it remains uncertain what actual impact Sputnik might have on Europe’s vaccination levels, one thing is clear: Moscow’s vaccine diplomacy has pitted EU governments against each other yet again.

References

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